by
VICTOR SUSAK
I. METHODOLOGICAL ISSUES
THE CHOICE OF INTERVIEWEES FOR THE IN-DEPTH INTERVIEWS
The Ivan Franko L'viv State University Institute
for Historical Research, in accordance with the distribution of
project responsibilities, conducted five in-depth interviews with
prominent people in society who represent major economic and political
realities in contemporary Ukraine. While doing the field work
the number of interviews was increased to ten in order to cover
the widest array of social realities. One in-depth interview
was conducted in Kyiv (the capital city of Ukraine), four in Donetsk
(a mining center and a leading political and industrial center
in the eastern region of Ukraine), and five in L'viv (an important
political and industrial center in the western region of Ukraine).
The in-depth interviews were collected based on results of the
first phase of project; namely, four focus-group discussions (FGDs)
in L'viv and Donetsk; two focus groups -- one all male, the other
all female -- were done in each city with less prominent people
with secondary education. Research activities were carried out
in cooperation with the Donetsk Center of Political Science Studies.
With consideration of the fact that FGD participants
discussed with equal eagerness political and economical realities,
we decided that the in-depth interviews should be done with people
who represent political and economic realities in L'viv and Donetsk
and, accordingly, in the western and eastern regions of Ukraine.
Two main groups of interviewees were identified for the two cities:
prominent local political actors and business people. In selecting
individuals we observed the principle of symmetric representation
for both regions. Thus, in determining the interview candidates
among the local politicians, we decided that we would interview
a leader of the most popular political party in the city/region
and a leader of the opposition party in this same city/region.
In both cities we looked for business people who are among the
leaders of "successful" enterprises that have a positive
image among different population strata of the two cities; i.e.,
focus group participants in L'viv and Donetsk.
Analysis of the focus group participants' preferences
for the in-depth interview candidates clearly distinguished two
leaders: Vasyl' Kuibida, L'viv city mayor (six out of fifteen
possible votes of participants in the L'viv FGDs) and Victor Pynzenyk,
Vice Prime Minister of Ukraine for Economic Reform (five out of
twenty-nine possible votes of the participants in all FGDs in
L'viv and Donetsk). An additional reason for selecting Dr. Pynzenyk
and Mr. Kuibida was the self-identification of one of the male
participants in theFGDs in L'viv ("I want to be like the
leaders, Victor Pynzenyk or Vasyl' Kuibida"). For the above
reasons, we decided to include Dr. Pynzenyk in the list of the
interviewees for the in-depth interviews as a prominent political
figure at the national Ukrainian level for exploration of economic
and political issues affecting the entire country. Mr. Kuibida
entered the list of prominent local political actors in L'viv
city. To ensure selection symmetry for the two cities, we planned
to interview Donetsk mayor Vladimir Rybakov (two FGD votes in
Donetsk). Mr. Rybakov turned out to be unapproachable. All of
our attempts to contact him to arrange the interview failed, resulting
in a certain distortion of the planned symmetry of our project.
Both L'viv and Donetsk FGDs demonstrated certain differences
between the all-female and all-male groups. In both cities men
operated with general social political categories, while women
tended to give more personalized answers and were "more down-to
earth." This difference was particularly marked in Donetsk
city. Though we perceive nothing strange about it, this brought
us to the conclusion that gender problems are worth including
in the in-depth interview program. For this reason we included
women in the candidate profile for in-depth interviews. We considered
women with business backgrounds, e.g., leaders of "successful"
enterprises (one in Donetsk, one in L'viv). By coincidence the
third woman-leader among the interviewed turned out to be Mrs.
Valentyna Protsenko, leader of the Donetsk Region People's Rukh
of Ukraine (Narodniy Rukh Ukrainy), who entered the group of local
political actors.
To the beginning.
THE LIST OF RESPONDENTS INTERVIEWED ACCORDING TO THE IN-DEPTH INTERVIEW PRINCIPLE
1. VICTOR PYNZENYK -- Kyiv, the national prominent
politician, Vice Prime Minister of Ukraine for Economic Reform;
for exploration of economic and political issues affecting the
entire country.
2. VASYL' KUIBIDA -- L'viv, prominent local political
actor, L'viv city mayor. Due to Mr. Kuibida's specific background,
a wide array of social realities [national, political, economic,
local (i.e., city life), etc.] were discussed during the interview
from the standpoint of a dominant national group representative.
3. OLEKSA HUDYMA -- L'viv, prominent local political
actor, L'viv Region People's Rukh of Ukraine leader. Mr. Hudyma
was chosen for the interview as the leader of the most authoritative
political organization in L'viv city/western region of Ukraine.
A wide array of social realities were discussed from the standpoint
of the most popular political organization's leader and a representative
of the dominant national group.
4. OLEG RYBAKOV -- Donetsk, prominent local political
actor, leader of the Donetsk Oblast Socialist Party of Ukraine
Organization. We selected Mr. Rybakov to interview as a leader
of one of the most respected political organizations of Donetsk
city/eastern region of Ukraine (second place after the Communist
Party of Ukraine). A wide array of social realities were discussed
from the standpoint of the leader of one of the most popular political
organizations and a representative of the national group which
is the dominant in this region.
In accordance with the selection principles for in-depth
interview candidates among local political leaders, we first approached
the leader of the Communist Party as the most popular party in
Donetsk/Donbass. We received a flat refusal to give us an interview
on the grounds that he does not give any interviews to USA-associated
organizations and gives consent to be interviewed only to the
representatives of "national" organizations. His last
phrase, however, was "No, I never give any interviews to
anyone!" When we approached Mr. Rybakov as a leader of the
second most popular political organization, he readily agreed
to give an interview. When the agreement on the use of the interview
was signed, Mr. Rybakov said: "Oh, Michigan, Americans -
they are fine fellows! Michigan is great!"
5. VALENTYNA PROTSENKO -- Donetsk, prominent local
political actor, leader of the Donetsk Region People's Rukh of
Ukraine. At the time of the interviews, the dominant social opinion
considers Rukh in Donetsk/Donbass as the most controversial organization,
in contrast to its dominant position in L'viv/western region of
Ukraine. Socialists are in the opposite situation. They have
a dominant position in Donetsk and an opposition position in L'viv.
This situation brought us to the conclusion that it was worth
meeting the leader of the local Rukh in Donetsk and the leader
of the local socialist party in L'viv as representatives of controversial
political organizations.
6. YEVGEN TALIPOV -- L'viv, prominent local political
actor, leader of L'viv Socialist Party of Ukraine Organization
and non-salaried advisor to the Head of the Supreme Council of
Ukraine. As noted above, the interview with Mr. Talipov is symmetrical
to the interview with Mrs. Protsenko in Donetsk. A wide array
of social realities were discussed from the standpoint of the
leader of one of the most popular political organizations and
a representative of the national minority.
7. ANDRIJ TAVPASH - L'viv, businessman, General Director
of "Sweetouch," a joint-stock confectionery. Mr. Tavpash,
as the General Director of "Sweetouch," was selected
as the interviewee for the following reasons:
8. OLGA SADOVS'KA -- L'viv, businesswoman, president
of the private florist company, "O-la." We selected
Olga Sadovs'ka from among L'viv business leaders for the following
reasons:
9. IRENA ISAKOVA -- Donetsk, businessman, president
of the private tourist company "Tigris." Mrs. Isakova
is a Donetsk counterpart to Mrs. Sadovs'ka in L'viv. A wide array
of social realities were discussed from the standpoint of a woman
as a "successful" businessperson.
10. YURIJ ZAYATS -- Donetsk, businessman, trade-union
leader of the A.F. Zasyad'ka mine. Our choice was justified by
the following:
To the beginning.
INTERVIEW PROGRAM USED FOR INTERVIEWING PUBLIC LEADERS
To conduct interviews with prominent political/economic
actors, we used the life history approach through which one reconstructs
the life history of the narrator, step by step, from childhood
to the present, with different details of his life experiences
under different sociopolitical circumstances in different times.
The planned length of the interview was one and one-half hours.
The first half of the interview was devoted to the period of
the narrator's life before the beginning of "Gorbachev's
perestroika"; the second part focused on the narrator's life
experiences during the recent ten years of sociopolitical transformations.
To the beginning.
GENERAL MOTTO OF THE INTERVIEW
"People in society and society in the people;
people in history and history in the people."
How did the recent political and economical changes
in Ukrainian society, which is post-communist and post-nonindependent,
influence people's lives, and how do they influence their lives
now? How did the people influence the events and changes, and
how do they influence them now? How do social identities influence
the individuals' awareness of social realities connected with
the former Soviet Union? How do specific manifestations of such
social reality influence the formation of social identities in
Ukrainian society? What is the interviewee's life experience,
and what does he/she think about the social achievements and failures
that have taken place in our society during the last ten years?
To the beginning.
INTERVIEW PROGRAM
INTRODUCTION
1. Giving the reasons for choosing this very person
to interview.
2. Giving special emphasis to the objective of the
interview which is to learn about specific periods in a prominent
Ukrainian contemporary social leader's life and his/her accounts
of social events, realities, and problems being realized as part
of his/her life experience. During an interview we get to know
briefly about the interviewee's family, his/her past professional,
social and political activity, and in detail about his/her life
experience during the past ten years with special emphasis on
contemporary activity. The interview ends with several questions
about the interviewee's world outlook.
A. FAMILY AND PERSONAL BACKGROUND (fifteen minutes)
Date and Place of Birth
Father: name, social
background, profession, and main social and political orientation
and activity. Influence on the interviewee's personality formation.
Mother: name, maiden
name, social background, profession, and main social and political
orientation and activity. Influence on the interviewee's personality
formation.
Other people: who could
influence the interviewee's personality formation.
Important moments: Dwell
on the specific moments in your personal and your family life,
which you think are particularly important to identify who you
are now and why you have this specific perception of recent and
contemporary social realities.
Marital status: Spouse
and children.
To the beginning.
B. CHOICE OF PROFESSION, PROFESSIONAL, PUBLIC
AND POLITICAL ACTIVITY BEFORE SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CHANGES IN
THE LATE 1980's (fifteen minutes)
It is very important to know beforehand the main
stages and dates of the interviewee's professional career and
social and political activity. During the interview emotions
and evaluations should be given the utmost priority. Some minor
details of professional career may not be so important.
Professional activity:
* Main stages in professional career up to thelate
1980's
Social and political activity (main stages of
activity)
Other information important for this period of
the interviewee's life
To the beginning.
C. THE INTERVIEWEE'S LIFE DURING THE LAST TEN YEARS, HIS/HER ROLE IN RECENT AND
CONTEMPORARY EVENTS IN UKRAINIAN SOCIETY (thirty-five minutes)
Activities (professional, social, and political)
in the transformation period:
During the last ten years, our society went through
rapid economic and political changes which to a certain extent
had or are having an impact on our life. During this interview,
we will be interested in learning whether your life changed during
this period.
* Did the changes in our society in the late
1980's influence your social and political orientation considerably?
If yes, then when, why, and under what circumstances?
Main stages in professional career from the late
1980's to the present
* How did you become what you are now (position,
responsibilities)?
Main stages of social and political activity from
the late 1980's to present
** If the interviewee performed the same social
and political activities for a certain period of time, he/she
should be asked the following question:
* How did you become what you are now (position,
responsibilities)?
Questions concerning world outlook in the context
of social transformations in the last ten years
To the beginning.
D. EVALUATION OF THE RECENT AND PRESENT EVENTS
IN UKRAINIAN SOCIETY (fifteen minutes)
After an extremely interesting talk about your life
experience at the end of the interview we would like to ask you
several questions concerning your world outlook that we ask all
our interviewees:
* What are the most important improvements in Ukrainian
society in the last ten years?
To the beginning.
E. THE INTERVIEWEE'S PREDICTION OF THE FUTURE
OF UKRAINIAN SOCIETY (five minutes)
* What can your personal role be in solving the above
mentioned problems in the immediate future?
To the beginning.
F. SELF-IDENTITY (five minutes)
* Could you summarize this interview by giving a
brief answer to the following question: "Who do you think
you are?"
To the beginning.
II. EXPECTATIONS AND SOME PRELIMINARY ANALYSIS
By the using data collected thanks via oral history
interviews, we hope to a provide the following kinds of analysis:
A. Analysis and comparison of social trajectories
of narrators as representatives of certain sociopolitical groups.
B. Narrators' evaluations of sociopolitical changes
and comparison of these evaluations with answers of FGD participants.
C. Self-identities of narrators and comparison to
FGDs.
D. Narrative analysis: How do narrators express
such or such issues by the use of such or such language constructions?
Analysis and comparison of social trajectories of
narrators is one of the most important questions addressed by
use of the life history approach. Among important topics that
can be examined by use of the collected interviews are: Which
are narrators' backgrounds? Why did they choose such or such
life paths under such or such circumstances? To which social
stratum do they belong? What is common and what is different
in their life stories?
For example, one evident common feature for every
person who was interviewed as an "agent of change" is
that practically all of them belong to the middle generation.
With only one exception they were born after the Second World
War, and they rose to social prominence during the last ten years.
All of them have changed their social trajectories dramatically
on the eve or just after the break-up of the Soviet Union. Even
the First Secretary of the L'viv Socialist Party organization
became a social leader in 1991. Disregarding their positive or
negative evaluation of this period, they were in a sense both
children and agents of those changes.
There is no wonder that the older generation is underrepresented
among this sample. Still, it is rather striking that the younger
generation (that is, under thirty-five years old) is underrepresented,
too. By definition, it is this generation that has to be a main
agent of change. From everyday experience we know many people
in this age group who have succeeded as political leaders or entrepreneurs.
A plausible explanation is that this younger generation started
later and therefore found most of the prominent positions occupied.
Therefore it was hard for them to compete with the middle generation.
Or, because of the age difference, they were slow to articulate
themselves as a special strata. Evidently, they will need more
time to rise to prominence and to gain popularity and credibility
in Ukrainian society.
Another hypothesis derives from observations concerning
the moment when these leaders came to a conclusion that something
had to be done with the old Soviet system. In the case of the
leader of the L'viv regional Rukh, Oleksa Hudyma, it was the time
when he had worked in Czechoslovakia at the end of the1970's.
There he got information from ordinary Czechs and Slovaks about
what had really happened during the Prague spring of 1968. The
leader of the Donetsk regional Rukh, Valentyna Protsenko, received,
in her own words, "her first political education" in
Vilnius, Lithuania, where she happened to learn about the Molotov-Ribbentrop
pact, Stalinist repression, and events in western Ukraine during
and after the Second World War. The Director of "Sweetouch,"
Andrij Tavpash, confessed in his interview that the greatest impact
on him had been his visits to the U.S., Germany, and Japan, while
he was a L'viv city Communist Party Secretary in charge of light
industry. There he observed how real enterprise looked and how
it functions efficiently. In his words, these visits made a profound
change in him and made him think about how to improve the situation.
The former Vice Prime Minister for Economic Reform, Dr. Victor
Pynzenyk, stated that his economic views were influenced by publications
of famous Russian economists Otto Latsis, Yegor Gaidar, and Gavriil
Popov. He was in Moscow preparing his dissertation, and while
there read and heard many things that at the time were quite forbidden
in L'viv or could lead to loss of a job if someone dared to express
them. [N.B.: For more details see field work report that was
presented at the Kyiv workshop in August 1997 (Part II. Social
Trajectories: Introducing In-depth Interview Respondents).]
It is significant that not one of these persons referred
to a specific Ukrainian experience. Their original source of
inspiration came from outside of Ukraine. I believe that this
is no coincidence. Because of the extreme isolation of Ukraine
and extremely repressive regime during the last decades of Brezhnev's
rule, there was no opportunity for the emergence of alternative
ideas that could later serve as intellectual catalysts for change.
On the other hand, the two leaders of the Socialist Party of
Ukraine who we interviewed, Oleg Rybakov in Donetsk and Yevgen
Talipov in L'viv, refer to the experience of the Soviet Union
as a normal and positive one. Both had rather typical biographies
of middle range Communist Party functionaries. They never looked
for a positive experience outside of the former Soviet Union.
This is confirmed by some participants in both focus
groups in Donetsk. Most of the interviewees considered the former
Soviet Union to be the epitome of a society with party clerks
who were responsible, kept their word, and cared about common
people and with free and efficient medical care. If they refer
to some outside experience, it is most often when they are trying
to find arguments for official bilingualism in Ukraine. But,
for example, they do not talk about the outside world as an example
of an efficient economy.
In my opinion, this simply demonstrates how conservative
Ukrainian society was and still is and how much it is resistant
to real economic and political changes. By conservatism, I do
not mean adherence to a traditional peasant-based style of life.
This conservatism should be seen as a measure of the power of
the old Soviet stereotypes. If an impetus for change had to be
found, most likely it had to be found outside of Ukraine. In
the case of L'viv, most participants who were "reform-minded"
referred to Poland, Germany, and the U.S. as examples of efficient
systems that has to be introduced in Ukraine.
According to the narrators' evaluations of sociopolitical
changes and comparison of their evaluations with answers of FGD
participants, let me offer the following comments.
To the beginning.
POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE SOCIAL REALITIES IDENTIFIED
BY THE IN-DEPTH INTERVIEWEES
Kyiv: Prominent Politician
Dr. Victor Pynzenyk, Vice Prime Minister of Ukraine
for Economic Reform
Improvements
* Ukraine's declaration of independence
Aggravations and Negative Social Realities
* The state has put in place very difficult conditions,
regulations, and procedures for economic activities in the private
sector; the only justification for this is the corruption of authority
structures. This mainly results in the extension of spheres of
influence of the "shadow" economy. Operations of some
private businesses are close to criminal.
Donetsk: Local Political Actor
Oleg Rybakov, Leader of the Donetsk Oblast Socialist
Party of Ukraine Organization, Deputy Head of the Donetsk Oblast
Council
Improvements
* Cooperation and friendship agreement was signed
between Ukraine and Russia.
Aggravations and Negative Social Realities
* Collapse of the USSR, which led to the severance
of integrated production connections, and liquidation of state
control of the economy in the country, which had guaranteed against
unemployment and lack of social protection for people
Donetsk: Local Political Actor
Improvements
* Nowadays people have the feeling of freedom and
self-respect.
Aggravations and Negative Social Realities
* The existing legislative foundation in Ukraine
and executive power created opportunity for a small circle of
people to "lawfully shift money from the state funds into
their own pockets." The most basic result of this is stratification
of society into very rich and very poor.
Donetsk: Businessman
Improvements
* I got the feeling of personal freedom, independence
in thinking, actions, and speech.
Aggravations and Negative Social Realities
* Lack of social protection for people of pension
age and the disabled
Donetsk: Businesswoman
Improvements
* "Your life is in your hands."
Aggravations and Negative Social Realities
* Absence of a good legislative basis for free development
of private business; absence of a clear and balanced tax policy
L'viv: Local Political Actor
Improvements
* People grew to realize that "their life is
in their hands" and that the fundamental role of the state
is not to care directly for the people, but to create favorable
conditions for their self-realization.
Aggravations and Negative Social Realities
* Old management methods, business structures, and
methods are still in place.
L'viv: Local Political Actor
Improvements
* Ukraine's declaration of independence
Aggravations and Negative Social Realities
* Ukrainian authorities are not interested in the
political development of Ukraine (i.e., development of a sound
political structure based on the functioning of well-organized
political parties).
Yevgen Talipov, First Secretary of the L'viv Socialist
Party of Ukraine and non-salaried advisor to the Chair of the
Supreme Council of Ukraine
Improvements
* Opportunity to express one's thoughts freely
Aggravations and Negative Social Realities
* "Gorbachev's perestroika" only ruined
and created nothing.
L'viv: Businessman
Improvements
* Liberation of people (e.g., freedom of speech,
religious, political freedom, etc.); revival of customs and traditions
of the Ukrainian nation
Aggravations and Negative Social Realities
* There is no political force or statesman in Ukraine
who could consolidate the society.
L'viv: Businesswoman
Improvements
* Ukrainian people regained their political consciousness.
Aggravations and Negative Social Realities
* Anti-Ukrainian government and Parliament policy;
"nostalgia" for the "golden Soviet times"
In making some preliminary observations on the improvements
and aggravations that our interviewees have experienced, first
of all, of course, we can note that the list of aggravations is
much longer and covers a broader range of issues than the list
of improvements. Most of the interviewees as well as the participants
in the FGDs found it hard to remember something nice that happened
in their life during the last ten years. It required special
effort and skill to help them think in that way. Among the aggravations,
the most important were "crises of the economy in Ukraine";
it was listed by fourteen out of thirty-eight respondents (ten
interviewees and twenty FGD participants). The second and the
third places are occupied by "social insecurity of Ukrainian
citizens"(eleven respondents) and "deterioration of
personal and family situation" (eight respondents), respectively.
The next position is held by two interrelated issues; that is,
"corruption of the authority structures" and the "government's
lack of the competence and, as a result, a lack of trust in the
power." The remaining aggravations were voiced by one to
three respondents; therefore, they can be treated as rather personal
issues.
Among improvements, the unmatched leader was a "liberalization
of social life in Ukraine, a possibility for an individual self-expression"
(twenty-four respondents). There was no difference on this issue
along age, gender, regional, or political divisions. The second
most frequently mentioned improvement was "Ukraine's independence"
(eighteen persons). It should, however, be noted that all of
these were respondents from L'viv. In Donetsk, no one answered
in this way. The third position is occupied by "an improvement
of personal and family situation" (seven respondents). The
next improvement listed by the participants was "the adoption
of the constitution in Ukraine." It should also be stressed
that both issues gained equal popularity in both L'viv and Donetsk.
The other issues were mentioned only by one person each.
To the beginning.
SELF-IDENTITIES OF NARRATORS OF IN-DEPTH INTERVIEWS
As noted earlier, every interview concluded with
the question: "Who do you think you are?" Here are
the narrators' answers to this question:
Oleksa Hudyma, Leader of People's Rukh of Ukraine,
Lviv Region
Irena Isakova, General Director of "Tigris"
Travel Agency, Donetsk
Vasyl' Kuibida, L'viv City Mayor
Valentyna Protsenko, Leader of People's Rukh of
Ukraine, Donetsk Region
Dr. Victor Pynzenyk, Vice Prime Minister of Ukraine
for Economic
Oleg Rybakov, Leader of the Donetsk Oblast Socialist
Party of Ukraine and First Vice-Chairman of the Donetsk Oblast
Council
Olga Sadovs'ka, President of "O-la"
Private Florist Company
Yevgen Talipov, Leader of the Socialist Party
of Ukraine, L'viv City, and non-salaried advisor to the Chair
of the Supreme Council of Ukraine
Andrij Tavpash, General Director of the L'viv
Joint-stock Confectionery, "Sweetouch"
Yurij Zayats, Trade Union Leader of A.F. Zasyad'ka
Coal Mine, Donetsk
By summarizing the self-identities of these oral
history narrators, we can develop the following picture:
Oleksa Hudyma -- a professional
and political leader with a very high level of responsibilities
before people who trust him
Irena Isakova -- a "role
player," a "Leo," a leader by nature
Vasyl' Kuibida -- a philosopher,
humanist, economist, citizen of L'viv
Valentyna Protsenko --
a Ukrainian "state builder"
Victor Pynzenyk -- an
idealist in politics, a reformer
Oleg Rybakov -- a "Leo,"
a leader
Olga Sadovs'ka -- "an
average woman"
Yevgen Talipov -- a leftist
political leader
Andrij Tavpash -- a person
who is happy and in harmony with his land, who has strong respect
for his neighbors
Yurij Zayats -- an average
person who lives in interesting times
We can observe that among self-identities of oral
history respondents there is balance between individual and group
identities. Among individual identities there is domination by
their understanding that they are leaders; among group identities,
there isn't any domination by any group.
At the conclusion of this presentation, I would also
like to refer to the possibility of having interesting results
if one were to provide a narrative analysis of the interviews
collected; i.e., how narrators express such or such issues by
the use of such or such language constructions. Let me use one
example. Yevgen Talipov, the socialist leader from L'viv, very
often used Ukrainian words in his Russian-language interview;
these Ukrainian words are mostly related to political issues such
as "state," "political parties," "regional
issues," etc. It looks like this Russian-rooted person has
real involvement in the specifics of Ukrainian politics. Another
example is the domination in his speech of explanations about
the importance of socialism for social equality, and why we should
struggle for the victory of its formation. He also refers to
positive examples of capitalism, for example, some histories from
the Rockefeller family business. etc. Does this reflect some
personal doubts? Is this the reality of a transitional generation?
Or is this a case of an intellectual searching for new models
for an equitable society?
UKRAINE: ORAL HISTORY INTERVIEW
Background, Procedures, Expectations, and Preliminary Analysis
To the table of contents.
a) The high quality products of this extremely "successful"
company, made only from natural ingredients, are very popular
among the L'viv population.
b) "Sweetouch" advertisements can frequently
be found around L'viv, as well as on TV and radio programs and
in periodicals and other advertising materials. The company is
similar to Coca-Cola, a rather popular symbol of "successful
Western civilization." A wide array of social realities
were discussed from the standpoint of a successful businessman
and a representative of the dominant national group.
a) The given candidate allows interpretation of
various social realities, primarily gender, economic, and national
ones, from the standpoint of a successful businessperson and a
representative of the dominant national group and of women.
b) This company is one of the pioneers of "successful"
private business in L'viv/western region of Ukraine. (Olga Sadovs'ka
has been the president of the company from the very beginning.)
c) Flowers offered by "O-la" company and
various events, organized or attended by this company, are very
popular, as indicated by the FGD participants.
a) One of the focus-group discussions nominated
Mr. Zayats for the in-depth interview.
b) A.F. Zasyad'ka mine is an example of a "successful"
lease enterprise in Donbass.
c) Apart from the possibility of discussing general
political and social realities, this interview threw light on
labor-related issues.
To the table of contents.
To the table of contents.
GENERAL OBJECTIVES OF THE INTERVIEW
To the table of contents.
To the table of contents.
* main interests before the choice of profession
* what and who influenced the choice of profession
* basic vocational training
* public activity during professional training
Questions for each activity direction:
* When, why, and under which circumstances did this
professional orientation become dominant for the interviewee?
* What were successes, achievements, problems,
and failures?
* What was his/her participation and responsibilities
in various projects and actions?
** If the interviewee did the same job for a certain
period of time, he/she should be asked the following question:
How could you characterize in general that period
in your professional career? What were the main realities, challenges,
and achievements?
Questions for each activity direction:
* When, why, and under which circumstances did this
social and political orientation become dominant for the interviewee?
* What was his/her participation and responsibilities
in various projects and actions?
* What were the successes, achievements, problems,
and failures?
** If the interviewee performed the same social
and political activities for a certain period of time, he/she
should be asked the following question:
How could you characterize in general that period
in your social and political life? What were the main realities,
challenges, and achievements?
To the table of contents.
* stages and developments
* changes of orientation
* participation in specific events and actions
* successes and failures, etc.
* Did the changes in our society in the late
1980's influence your professional career considerably? If yes,
then when, why, and under what circumstances?
Questions for each activity direction:
* When, why, and, under what circumstances did this
professional orientation become dominant for the interviewee?
* What were his/her participation and responsibilities
in various projects and actions?
* What were the successes, achievements, problems,
and failures?
** If the interviewee did the same job for a certain
period of time, he/she should be asked the following question:
How could you characterize in general that period in your professional career? What were the main realities, challenges,
and achievements?
Questions for each activity direction:
* When, why, and, under which circumstances did
this social and political orientation become dominant for the
interviewee?
* What was his/her participation and responsibilities
in various projects and actions?
* What were the successes, achievements, problems,
and failures?
How could you characterize in general that period
in your social and political life? What were the main realities,
challenges and achievements?
* Present professional activity
* What are your major professional achievements?
* What are the major challenges and problems that
your organization is still facing?
* Present social and political activity (for
social activists and politicians instead of the question about
professional activity if they are not carried out simultaneously)
* What is your professional style?
* What are main secrets of your personal professional
success?
* What are your major achievements?
* What are the major challenges and problems that
your organization is still facing?
* What is your professional style?
* What are main secrets of your personal social
and political success?
* Did your perception of social and political changes
and other events change during the period of transformation?
If yes, then when, why, and under what circumstances?
* What specific social events were especially important
for you? Why? What was your personal role in them?
To the table of contents.
* What are major aggravations in Ukrainian society
in the last ten years? Why are we facing them?
* What force and what actions can help our society
out of the crisis most effectively?
To the table of contents.
* What is your prediction about the future of Ukrainian
society?
To the table of contents.
To the table of contents.
To the table of contents.
* Adoption of the Constitution of Ukraine
* Financial stabilization, devaluation of the U.S.
dollar on the internal market, monetary reform (introduction of
hryvnia as a full-fledged national currency)
* Monopolization of numerous sectors of economy (e.g.,
energy, supply, and sale in rural areas, etc.)
* Critical problems of our enterprises include their
inability to sell their products and the absence of effective
owners who would take responsibility for business outcomes.
* Unregulated norms and procedures regarding transition
of property rights; absence of an institute of independent property
form registrars
* Standards of property rights protection are not
sufficiently developed.
* Creation of Eurasian Socialist Congress with Socialist
party of Ukraine playing a prominent role, which is a manifestation
of the growing international standing of the "left"
movement in Ukraine
* Planned economy was ruined, which led to the complete
ruination of industries and "outbreak" of the shadow
economy.
* The universally accepted ideology of the democratic
state does not yet exist.
* State bodies are excessively corrupt.
* Unreserved orientation towards the West, along
with unfounded efforts towards isolation from Russia
* Unconstructive dictates of the International Monetary
Fund in Ukrainian economic transformation matters
* "Right" and "Right-Centrists"
are blamed for no reason for all evils of society.
Valentyna Protsenko, Leader of the Donetsk Region
People's Rukh of Ukraine
* There is less and less open propaganda for a "return
to the USSR" in Donbass.
* The majority of modern business people are representatives
of the former Communist Party nomenclature; all they care about
is their personal enrichment and not the improvement of the living
standard of the society.
* More than fifty percent of the Ukrainian economy
is "in the shadow."
* President Kuchma does not have a "party base."
* Non-existence of a national elite of "good
citizens of their state" in Donetsk, failure of people in
Donetsk to understand the necessity and inevitability of political
and social changes that are taking place in society
* National democratic movements are not unified;
their main weakness is passivity on the issue of creation of a
legal basis for business development.
Yurij Zayats, Zasyad'ka Mine Trade Union Leader,
Donetsk City
Irena Isakova, General Director of "Tigris"
Tourist Company, Donetsk City
* Opportunities for creation and development of "one's
private business"
* Opportunities for establishing business connections
with foreign companies
Vasyl' Kuibida, L'viv Mayor
* Non-existence of a well-based legislative foundation
* Too much authority is concentrated in the hands
of the central power officials, which is a major constraint to
effective and timely solution of the day-to-day problems of a
complicated, urban area -- L'viv city, as an historic and cultural
center of universal significance and an important industrial center
in the western region of Ukraine.
* Many people still have the old thinking that "the
state is responsible for everything" and are reluctant to
take on the weight of responsibility "to say to oneself:
I am responsible for myself, my life, and my family's life."
Oleksa Hudyma, Leader of the L'viv Regional People's
Rukh of Ukraine
* Adoption of the Constitution of Ukraine
* Democratic liberties (e.g., open borders, opportunities
to feel free)
* The Parliament, government, and President are not
liable before anyone for their actions.
* Lack of cooperation between the government and
Parliament
* Economic crisis
* Lack of unity of the right-center block as a main
guarantor of decisive political and economic reforms
L'viv: Local Political Actor
* Liberalization of the political system
* Adoption of the Constitution of Ukraine
* Overall poverty of the Ukrainian population with
the exception of a very small fraction
* The growing Mafia influence in the society
* Governmental structures at all levels do not give
an account of their work.
* Undeveloped legal and judiciary systems
* Salary arrears
* Unemployment.
* Crisis in education, health care, and social protection
* Increase in alcohol and drug abuse and prostitution
* Economic and moral crisis in the Ukrainian military
* Insufficient modern equipment for private or cooperative
farming
Andrij Tavpash, General Director of the Joint-stock
Confectionery, "Sweetouch"
* Ukraine managed to avoid armed conflicts, civil
war, and bloodshed.
* Incompetence of Parliament and government; majority
of their members do not strive to develop and strengthen the Ukrainian
state; officials in the authority structures are overly corrupt.
* Politically structured society has not been formed;
political parties are too few in numbers to influence events;
their leaders pursue only narrow party interests and do not think
of ways to bring the society together and overcome the crisis.
* Industry and agriculture of Ukraine are paralyzed.
* There is no middle class in Ukraine, which is the
basis of any state; private business people and their associations
are too few and too week.
* The society continues to be polarized into various
income categories.
* Salary and pension arrears
* The prestige of science is declining.
* Spiritual values are neglected.
Olga Sadovs'ka, President of the Private Florist
Company, "O-la"
* People cease to be "consumers" and realize
that their life is in their hands.
* Pension amount does not provide even for the minimum
living standard.
* People's faith in the future has been ruined; people
feel self-conscious.
To the table of contents.
"Well, I'm probably a person who feels responsible
both in professional and political areas for an awful lot of people
who trust me. And they say to me: 'You are doing well. That
is, at this moment, in the position you are holding, and what
you are doing is being effective and is producing positive results.
And we trust you, so try to do more.' And due to my intuition
and due to what God gives me I'm going to do it until I feel that
I can't do it anymore, and I should make way for someone else
or quit. And my feeling of this is pretty normal; that is, I'm
not going to do anything that I feel I can't do. That's a very
important feature, and I must receive 'waves' from the people
I trust, who are a lot, and which I send to a large number of
other different people...That is, in order to be objective, I
have to work with lots of other people who don't depend on me,
and they have to tell me the truth about me and the processes
I'm taking part in. And, thank God, I have enough people of that
kind; I can't do without them...I might make mistakes which would
have grave consequences for my associates; that is, from time
to time I must take a break and perform some self-analysis to
check whether what I'm doing is right...."
"Well, my favorite writer, Vladimir Levi, says
that we are always playing some roles -- someone's daughter's
role, someone's granddaughter's role, a director's role, a pedestrian's
role or...That is, I feel what I am according to the role I'm
playing. I can't feel being only a mother, because I need somewhere
else, doesn't matter where, but somewhere to go to. I want my
children to feel comfortable in this life. I feel myself both
a mother and a person responsible for everything I have now because
of, I'm saying, a lot of effort and energy put into this. Who
else can I feel I am? Well, anyway, I'm a Leo. So, probably,
a leader?"
"Obviously, only someone taking a detached
look can judge me best. You should trust that person more than
me. When I'm looking in the mirror, I can see mostly and most
often what I want to see, but if someone is observing me, then,
although they are in a way subjective, but you can trust them
more. What kind of person am I? Bearing in mind Greek philosophers,
I can say that I'm a man and nothing human is alien to me. Well
and as for my interests, I'm keen on philosophy, I like psychology.
At home I have a library that numbers several thousand books,
mostly on philosophy, psychology, art, and history. But as a
person who worked and is still working for the community, I'm
first of all a lawyer and then an economist -- an organizer of
the city industry, although these two roles are closely interconnected.
Maybe the second one is becoming more important, because of all
these economic changes in L'viv; they probably form the present
of L'viv, but they are carried out according to present-day laws,
so that I...well, so that they could be done without breaking
the law. Well, as for Vasyl' Kuibida as a person , let's say
as an inhabitant of L'viv, then I'm a typical citizen who loves
L'viv, who is actually in love with this city. I can't imagine
my living anywhere else; I enjoy the views of the city, the museums,
and communicating with the people. I'm grateful to the destiny
that gave me a chance to work with the people who live here, and
I don't think I would be able to live somewhere else."
"Oh God, you know, I'm one of those who wish
only good to our society, to our people, who want to find a civilized
way out of the present situation. I want Ukraine to become a
European state so much! I'm not immortal, and I want my children
to live in a civilized country. I want to lay the first bricks
for its foundation so that my children have a house to build."
"I'm an idealist in a way. In the position
I'm holding, there should be an idealist, a person who believes
that something could be done. I do sincerely believe that it
can be done, that the economy is going to improve, but it doesn't
mean that it will be paradise tomorrow. Everyone is thinking
of paradise and it seems strange to me, because for me it is important
to begin improvement. If you are going to work in this position
bearing in mind other goals, then nothing can be done. This position
is connected...; in other words, reform means fighting corruption,
this method being very effective, and that's why every step along
this way is going to meet with opposition, every single step.
But it's impossible to define it according to the law; you just
can see where there are favorable conditions for corruption.
I see my task in eliminating these conditions, but not in finding
guilt, because you can always find someone to blame. That is
why this position has always been in jeopardy. And, by the way,
it isn't so bad, because you affect a lot of other people's interests...."
"I'm a Leo. That speaks for itself."
"I'm an average forty-year-old woman. That's
all that can be said."
"...I'm first of all a man, secondly, a former
military officer, too, and I'm sorry that I'm a former one. I'm
becoming a political leader at the city level, and I want to get
to a higher audience. Well, and the most important is that, you
know, I want to become a patriot of Ukraine. I have no longing
for Russia or any other country. This is here that I have my
roots. Here my children were born. Here grandchildren were born.
I want to be a patriot of Ukraine, but a patriot of socialist
Soviet Ukraine, of Ukraine which is democratic, civilized, has
a strong economy, is respected and cultural, but not national-chauvinistic."
"I could respond that I am a Ukrainian, that
most of all I want the Ukrainian people to live a proper happy
and rich life. But I have always tried to avoid elevated phrases.
I believe that a person can be happy if he or she lives on their
own land in harmony with nature and neighbors, if they are sure
that their children will have an even happier life than them...Probably
this life created what I am now; it made me respect honesty in
people. I always say when I am among people and so on -- look
at yourself. Look at yourself and only then you can judge others.
That's the law of life; you should realize clearly your own business
in front of your nose before you point out your neighbors' faults.
That is being self-critical...And being respectful to your neighbors.
That's another law of life -- love thy neighbor. That means
you should reciprocate your neighbors' feelings."
"Who am I? An average person in this world,
a typical average person. With my own joys and sorrows. Neither
extremely bad nor very good -- no, just average. But this time
that happened to be my life is very interesting and it makes us
average people show such traits of character that we would never
think of possessing, you know. Thus it turns out to be that we
get there or to a trade union to work, or somewhere else, well,
to some educational institutions, and are forced to show what
wasn't realized before, but I think it only makes our life more
joyful and interesting."