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MAR 2002
Ann Arbor Mobilization for Global Justice
discusses
"Women and Corporate Globalization:
Sustainability and Feminism Intersect"
on International Women’s Day, March 8th,
7:30 p.m., 310 S. Ashley near Liberty
· Reports from the World Social Forum in Brazil
· Discussion
· Documentary & Photos from Brazil
· Speakers
· Music ·
Food · Child Care
· |
INTERNATIONAL (WORKING) WOMEN’S DAY, March 8
A day to honor women, especially working women. Said
to commemorate an 1857 march and demonstration in New York, NY by female
garment and textile workers. Believed to have been first proclaimed for
this date at an international conference of women held in Helsinki,
Finland, in 1910, "that henceforth March 8 should be declared
International Women’s Day," the 50 th
anniversary observance, at Peking, China, in 1960, cited Clara Zetkin
(1857-1933) as "initiator of Women’s Day on March 8."
This is perhaps the most widely observed holiday of recent origin.
Ann Arbor Women’s Day Events
1. March 8, noon – Federal Building, Ann Arbor, "Women in Black",
Vigil and March
2. March 8, 7:30 p.m. – 310 S. Ashley, Ann Arbor, "Women and Corporate
Globalization: Sustainability and Feminism Intersect" (See page 1 of
this issue) |
ANN ARBOR
TO THE WORLD SOCIAL FORUM
AND BACK
by Monica Weinheimer

It’s a snowy February evening in Ann Arbor, and the smell
of Fair Trade coffee fills the room while we view slides taken the week
before in Porto Alegre, Brazil: 10,000 tents being set up under the sun, a
march against FTAA (the Free Trade Area of the Americas) wending its way
through palm-tree-lined streets, meetings halls filled with people listening
to simultaneous translation on their headphones.
We’ve gathered here in the Michigan Union to report back
on the World Social Forum, where 60,000 people from 131 countries gathered
around the theme "Another World Is Possible." Here in Ann Arbor, we’re
talking about what those words might mean. Participants suggest phrases like
"no war," "free health care,"sustainability," "free your mind," "good food
for all," "love rules," "no cars or guns." We do a brainstorm with the words
"globalization" and "neoliberalism," coming up with words like "repression,"
"poverty," "Enron," "greed," "lies."
Thinking and talking along these lines, this room full of
people would have felt at home at the Forum, where several key points of
agreement emerged. These included opposition to the Free Trade Area of the
Americas, cancellation of Third World debt, support for the revolution in
neighboring Argentina, ending the Israeli occupation of Palestine, and
opposition to the US "War on Terrorism," which is clearly seen in Latin
America as a war of imperialist aggression.
We’re talking, but not everyone is satisfied. One young
participant raises her hand. "I feel like we’re just talking and not really
getting anywhere. What are we going to do?" I mention the upcoming
protest against the G8 Energy Summit in Detroit and the mobilization to stop
Perrier from extracting Michigan water for its own profit. She nods but
isn’t entirely satisfied. And I have to agree: her question is the same one
that took me to Brazil in the first place. I realize that for me the most
compelling parts of my trip were not the discussions of another possible
world, but rather the places and situations where a new world is being
created and lived this very moment. Don’t get me wrong—hashing out ideas in
words is an indispensable ongoing process. But the lessons that penetrated
most deeply in Brazil came from practical shared experiences.
My first contact with a working experiment in a more
just, egalitarian, environmentally sustainable way of life was my visit to
an MST camp. MST stands for Movimento Sem Terra; in English I usually call
it the Landless Peasants’ Movement. This movement has given land to families
since it began in 1984. On this land, to which they have a constitutional
right under Brazil’s agrarian reform law, families raise organic food to
feed their children and sell locally. Each settlement has its own collective
self-government. Decisions are made by consensus, and each meeting must have
at least one female facilitator. They set up their own schools, health care,
and community radio stations. Some of the families we interviewed still
lived under black plastic, the ubiquitous first-stage building material of
MST settlers, and I was awed by their pride and conviction about building a
life based on valuing cooperation and respect for the earth. (See
Box 1 for more.)
The World Social Forum itself gave me a chance to
participate in living, rather than just discussing, "Another Possible
World." The sheer multiplicity of interests, experiences, convergences, and
divergences made it impossible to neatly sum up all that went on. As I
mentioned before, there were threads of general consensus, and smaller
groups within the Forum made specific resolutions and plans of action
regarding these issues. The World Social Forum itself, however, explicitly
refrained from "official" pronouncements beyond its initial mission
statement, intending (and succeeding to greater or lesser extent depending
on your viewpoint) to be a plural and democratic space.
The Youth Camp, where over 10,000 young people from
around the world lived together for a week, was a spectacular, if
short-lived, embodiment of egalitarian principles. Volunteers collectively
decided what needs would have to be met and how to meet them, and in a
matter of days rigged outdoor showers surrounded by small trenches to
prevent erosion, organized a trash and recycling sorting system, and set up
a volunteer security team. They built a media shed out of poles, mud, and
straw that housed a score of computers (connected to the internet), an
Indymedia center, and a community radio station that broadcast commentary
and music 24 hours a day. Another large shelter housed booths selling
organic, cheap, locally grown food, handmade jewelry, and educational
materials.
On a walk across the camp at almost any hour one couldn’t
avoid seeing circles of people cooking, playing music, or meeting to discuss
themes from free software to macroeconomics to the sociopolitical role of
samba and capoiera. The tangible sense of freedom, cooperation, and joy in
the camp stays with me and inspires me to create more of the same. (See
Box 2 for more.)
Lastly, and on a grander scale, the uprising in Argentina
is an example of another possible world being hewn out of the present
moment. I did not personally experience the streets and neighborhood
meetings of Argentina, but the World Social Forum in Brazil was full of
awareness and anticipation as events unfolded across the border.
What I carry with me from contact with this experience is
a renewed faith in the power of a populace to determine the course of
events. Right now in Argentina people are creating their own, independent
media to inform and educate themselves unfettered by the de facto censorship
imposed by media that are tied to corrupt holders of power. People are
gathering in neighborhood "Popular Assemblies" to make collective decisions
about their future: perhaps the most direct form of democracy happening, at
a national level, on the planet.
I don’t believe that you have to go to another continent
to find these democratic "works in progress." If we pay attention we can
recognize seeds of social change, or at least the space to plant them, in
our own communities and even within ourselves. It is our right to seize this
space and cultivate it. R
BOX 1 Because We Are Human Beings
by Holly Wren Sapulding
We’ve been in the country for just one week, but by
way of some fortunate contacts, we have seen and experienced a lot. In
particular we have learned about the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais
Sem Terra (Landless Peasant Movement, or MST), which seeks to create a
more dignified and sustainable life for the displaced people of this
country.
In Sao Paulo we met with people (unionists and
intellectuals mostly) who could give us a little bit of a context for
understanding the political and social situation in Brazil, and this led
to our being able to go visit an actual MST camp not far from the city.
Here, in a project that reminds me of, and is inspired by, the Zapatista
autonomous zones, families of rural farm workers (some who have recently
come back from the city) are presently fighting for the right to live
on, and work the land.
The MST organizes people to know their rights to
leave apathy behind. They are deeply influenced by Liberation Theology,
and are explicitly non-violent in their tactics. With hoes and sickles
they can plant and harvest food for their familles who might otherwise
be hungry. Using organic farming techniques, they produce cleaner,
healthier food for the masses, which they sell in local markets, not to
international distributors. With few exceptions, they do this without
"venom," as they call pesticides, and are committed to traditional
techniques which allow them to work without expensive heavy equipment
for which they would otherwise need loans from the government.
They work to help people to "remember" how to work
the land, to grow food both for their own subsistence and for sale,
since, as Aranja told us (when asked how it is that so many people seem
able to take up farming with some success, it is because "it is in our
roots, we just know how to do this." According to Aranja, people only
need to be reminded.
The MST is also involved in setting up and running
cooperative schools. In addition, they are in the process of building a
"national school" in Sao Jose dos Campos (northeast of Sao Paulo) where
people from various backgrounds and affinities can come to get a
training in both agriculture and politics. It is the only project of its
sort in the country, and is coming together as a result of work groups
from each state around the country, coming here once a month to help
build the school.
The MST began in 1985 as a response to the uneven
distribution of land in a country where 46% it is owned by just 1% of
the population. The Brazilian constitution, written in 1988, decrees
that land must fulfill a "social function," and 80% has to be
productive. If no food is being grown on the land, if drugs are in
cultivation, if slave labor is being used (as we have been told it still
is upon occasion in Brazil); or if the land has been taken illegally
from the government, then the people have the explicit right (according
to the constitution) to reappropriate the land for settlement. It is
under these terms that the MST has managed to acquire land for so many
landless peasants in Brazil.
Occupations have been an effective way of obliging
the government to enact much needed land reform. In fact, the majority
of people in Brazil say they are in favor of land reform. "Occupy!
Resist! Produce!" is their cry.
Despite this, since 1997 when it became apparent that
the MST was making some progress with their aims, the movement has been
increasingly criminalized in the media. When it became clear that the
poor were gaining some power through MST strategies for land
redistribution, the government made an agreement with the media that
only negative stories about the MST would be portrayed. The television
and radio are concessions of the state, so there are conditions on what
they can broadcast, and these are abided by. Not unlike the
mediamonopoly in the U.S., in Brazil, 7 families own all of the media.
We are told of cases in which local MST organizers
have been murdered, as were 19 campesinos in the El Dorado massacre
several years ago. No one is yet serving time for these killings; the
few that were charged were acquitted. Our MST contacts in Sao Jose dos
Campos said that it is not just killings, but "mutilations" and
"barbarisms" that have befallen some of those in the movement. And yet
the Brazilian Minister of Agriculture, known by some as "Raoul the
Thief" claims that Brazil has the best land reform in the world.
This is ultimately a matter that stretches beyond
Brazil’s borders as much of the land belongs to U.S. corporations. When
the owners aren’t foreign, they are at least wealthy and among the
powerful elite of the country. In the state of Bahia, for example, one
man, a senator, owns fully one half of the state.
Much of the privately held land in this country lies
fallow while 4.8 million Brazilians have been expelled from the land and
are living around the cities in Favelas, shanty town communities built
of refuse and lacking in the most basic human needs such as clean water
and appropriate waste disposal.
These must also be some of the same people that we
see trawling the city in all kinds of heat, picking through trash in
search of items (mainly metal and cardboard) which may be sold for a few
Reals. In Sao Paulo, the minimum wage is 108 Reais (pronounced "Hay-eis")
which is equivalent to around US$80.00. This is not enough to live on.
These must also be the children whom we hear are shot
by police and shopkeepers alike, for begging on the streets of Rio and
Sao Paulo.
Much of this information came to us by way of Aranja,
a nickname meaning "Spider" or "Spiderman" for an animated, middle aged
man with more energy than my two companions and I have, put together. At
the end of a long conversation in a local pub know as a "leftist
hangout" he says "I cultivate joy. You have to play. When a situation is
serious, I am serious. When there needs to be some fun, I make some fun
—because we are human beings."
Aranja cooked us dinner that night. Later, a small
band of us from the MST office rambled out into the street in an
impromptu tour of the neighborhood music schools that were preparing
ensembles of samba players for the upcoming Carneval parade in Sao
Paulo, for which we have been invited to participate (dressed as
international campesinos). Streets were blocked off and chairs were set
out for beer drinkers and mothers with young children to sit and listen
to the irresistible sound of the drums.
There seems to be a much higher level of organization
and coordination among the left here than I have seen at home in the
States. Besides having active unions (50% of the "official" workforce is
unionized, and there is a general strike being planned for March) there
are several established political parties that are left-leaning, and
although they fail to really create true and radical change (despite
what we had heard about the PT, or Workers Party) they do, in my
opinion, contribute to an atmosphere of struggle toward that end. We
hear, of course, of corruption and "robbing" the people’s resources and
money, and no one we have talked to holds much hope for the system as it
exists. This all serves to show us how tragically lacking in options our
own political system is.
In any case, when change does come about, it is
through social movements that are born of the people’s desire for
another alternative , and not by way of the political system which too
often sanctions the oppression of the very people it is meant to provide
for.
As ever, I see potential for some very positive
things amidst all of this activity. And yet, history is too often that
of the conquerors (or at least this is what we are taught and come to
know), and as a result, there are many moments in which I find myself
lacking the vision and perhaps also faith, that other stories will be
made and told.
Meanwhile, I can’t help but think of what the
situation is like at home in the U.S. As Arelene, one of our first
contacts, said, "The left has a very big problem in the U.S. because
most people still believe in the American Dream, and think that they
will get a piece of it." Under such circumstances, it is indeed more
difficult to organize a militant working class, as they have here, or to
mobilize broad based social movements whose aim is revolution, as has
been the case at different times on this continent. |
BOX 2 Youth Organizing Outside the
World Social Forum
by Holly Wren Spaulding
The Carlo Guiliani Youth Camp in Porto Alegre was not
just a temporary home for over 10,000 young people. It was a gathering
place for social movements from all over the world. Many of the campers
were also delegates to the World Social Forum which took place on a
nearby university campus during the first week in February. However, the
majority of those in the camp saw the WSF as reformist, and therefore
wanted to stage alternative meetings and workshops in their own, open
spaces.
From early morning until late at night, circles of
ten to a hundred bodies—sometimes more—could be seen sitting in circles
under trees, around fires, at tables or under tents throughout the camp.
Photocopied notices and artfully painted banners announced opportunities
to discuss anything from Plan Colombia to defending access to free
public universities in Brazil and Argentina.
Demonstrations and spontaneous performances taught
the origin of Capoeira, a subversive dance form and means of
self-defense which emerged among African slaves on Brazilian plantations
during the early days of colonization. One could learn about alternative
health, origins of hip hop, "Samba as a Form of Resistance", composting
toilets, "Anarchism and Catholicism", the Brazilian Landless Peasant
Movement, and independent media.
A group of indigenous indians built a traditional
fire pit with clay earth and wood poles in the center of the massive
camp. Food was cooked in large common pots by groups that had traveled
together to Porto Alegre. It could also be purchased from small vendors
who offered watermelon slices, vegetarian pizza, coffee, guarana, fresh
fruit salad and an assortment of other, more traditional Brazilian foods
at affordable prices.
Djs shared time on the massive PA system with two
community radio projects, playing music all day and into the night. On
many evenings, films were shown on outdoor movie screens, including the
recently completed ‘Bella Ciao’ about the demonstrations against the G8
in Genoa.
Passion and enthusiasm were in abundance at the Youth
Camp. Ezequiel Siddig of Buenos Aires spoke of being "transformed" by
living in this kind of community. He said that it was this experience
that confirmed his need to leave old friends and paradigms behind, and
to forge affinities with other people who are committed to social
change.
The heat was intense, and everything and everyone
wore a layer of red dust from the scuffing of so many bodies along the
well worn paths between the media center, the food tent, and the
hundreds of encampments marked with colorful banners indicating the
cities and groups in attendance. On days when the temperature reached
into the high nineties, lines formed around the outdoor showers and
under the shade of tarpaulins stretched between trees and bamboo poles.
For those that were frustrated with different
elements of the World Social Forum, and there were many who were, for a
variety of reasons, the Youth Camp was a place of hope and creativity.
Here, young people, some of them very young, were not just talking about
their concerns and critiques, but they were actively constructing
alternatives. This was evidenced by the space itself which supported so
many projects and cultures as to be overwhelming.
The space also served as a jump off point for
numerous direct actions. On January 31, for example, a group associated
with People’s Global Action called an anti-capitalist march through the
city. Attendees were encouraged to bring pots and pans and to "follow
the sound of the tango" in solidarity with the struggle in Argentina.
Some of those who participated in this march also took action by
occupying a building in downtown Porto Alegre with the intention of
creating a squat. When the cops arrived, confrontation loomed, but
negotiation resulted in the small group of anarchists being left to
their own devices, as long as they cleared the road blockade. While the
building turned out to be unsuitable for living in, the action was
inspiring in that it demonstrated the commitment of this group to
solving their need for housing, of their own accord.
The camp was named in memory of Carlo, a 23 year old
Italian assassinated by police during the G8 protest last July. While
the fact of his death indicates the seriousness of things, the camp and
what it gave birth to over just a matter of days is also evidence of the
spirit of determination and love that is carried by growing numbers of
young people today.
As tents were packed and friends exchanged emails,
set dates for future gatherings, the energy of those sleepless days and
nights set off in a hundred directions, north to Quebec, south to
Argentina, and further still to Italy, Spain, and points beyond |
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