Kevin Lipke and Gautam Rajpal
Political Science 160.005
February 8, 1998
World Politics: The Menu for Choice- chapter 9
Russet and Star
Most people elect officials that they feel most represent their
views. These officials, thus, become representative of the beliefs
of the majority . The will of the majority, though, can constrain
governmental leaders, because of "the desire not to lose
office, not to lose an election, or a power struggle, or to be
overthrown by a revolution "(As would be in the case for
non-democratic institutions) (p.195). It is this, along with
other factors, according to Russet and Star, that public opinion
is able to influence foreign policy on many issues The question
becomes who, when, how. Who governs and what particular groups
influence foreign policy. When do they do this, and how. There
a couple of prevailing views about who exactly governs. One theory
states that there is a small group of people that influence foreign
affairs. This so called power elite is consisted of major political
and societal leaders that, according to this theory, come to agreement
on a particular issue which in turn become policy. A somewhat
opposing view, the pluralist view, states that for every major
issue, there are specialists, and that different groups fight
and win different political battles. In response to the power
elite view, pluralists believe that these power elites usually
do not come to a general agreement on most issues, and that a
certain view that comes out from the diversity of opinions is
accepted. Russet and Star contend that both views are correct.
Elitist groups have differences within in their groups and with
other groups, but it is not that great. However, in the past few
decades, there have been many instances where there have been
many differing views on certain issues. For a while in the United
Stare before World War II, isolationism was widespread. After
the bombing of Pearl Harbor, most people held beliefs in international
polices and international involvement. This consensus began to
break down during the Vietnam Years, somewhat reversing itself.
After the Vietnam wars, polices that supported foreign policy
activism became more accepted, because of the situations between
the U.S. and the Soviet Union, and in the past few years, there
has been much fluctuations . But these beliefs are reflective
of the American public. Right before the establishment of an elite
and popular consensus, there had support brewing for a reversal
or change in policy. Almost every time, the government responded
in doing such that. (Public opinion appears to be the most important
influence on the budget after the end of the cold war). Public
opinion seemingly affects major foreign policy issues. But this
does not mean the affect all foreign policy issues that the government
makes. So, when does public opinion affect foreign policy. Obviously,
it seems to affect policy when it comes to war. Since World War
II, most Americans have initially supported the wars we have gotten
involved in. This probably implies that the wars we did not get
involved in were the wars the public would not have supported.
Public support is critical when fighting a war. Armies are drawn
from the general populace, and these people must at the very least
not be against the war in order to fight effectively. Most importantly,
an unpopular war near election time is likely to cost a countries
leader votes. But on some of the smaller issues, the public seems
not care, or is indifferent to what the government does. And it
is perhaps on these issues, that the elite have more input. Recently,
there has been made a classification based on this level of "indifference"
in the United States. There is the general public, about 70% of
the population, that consists of people who's attention moves
in and out of politics.(About 20% of these people care close to
nothing on foreign policy). There is the attentive public, about
25% of the population, that read newspapers, follow the news,
and are so are somewhat knowledgeable and have some interest in
foreign policy. The last 5% represent what are called opinion
leaders, whom are politically active and who communicate their
ideas. One to two percent of this represent the elite, individuals
who seem to have direct influence on foreign policy. They include
party politicians, business and labor executives, senior civil
servants, leaders in the mass media, and leaders of economic,
professional interest groups. These seem to be the people
who influence foreign policy on issues the general public is indifferent
or pay little attention to. People pay attention to the issue
of war. War affects practically everyone. People must pay for
wars. Many must send their sons and daughters to war. It is something
that directly affects them. The less directly these issues affect
peoples lives, the less they seem to be interested in. Mexican-Americans,
some of whom normally would not pay much attention to foreign
policy, are likely to pay attention to immigration laws that deal
with illegal immigration from Mexico to the U.S.. But smaller
issues, on things the media does not pick up on, on issues that
may come and pass quickly, Americans are less likely to worry
about. On these issues, people rely and the government, thinking
they have some information and that they know what they are doing.
And on these issues, elitists can have much influence. But it
is a certain voice from these elitists that do this. Contrary
to the power elite theory, all elitists do not come to a general
consensus on issues, which has especially come true after the
Vietnam war. It used to be that elites generally accepted the
government's foreign policy. There no longer seems to an agreement
"on the means by which foreign policy should be pursued or
on which ends. Generally, people from this elite have formed there
own groups, on issues they agree upon. It than comes which group
has the most money, or which groups have the most votes People
usually have a fixed set a beliefs that influence them in how
they view foreign policy. That does not mean, however, these views
cannot be changed. Politicians all the time try to sway votes
and garner public support for their policies by the speeches
they make. One popular form of this is known as rally'-round-the
flag which is the term that is used to describe when a nation's
leader tries to garner support for certain foreign policy initiatives.
This has been used many times in the past by world leaders. Franklin
Roosevelt, who was one of the first people to pay close attention
to public opinion, used this technique when he was trying to gain
support for the New Deal and during World War II. In Israel, when
Prime minister Yitzak Shimar supported a plan that allowed Palestinians
to hold elections, pubic support rose 17 points from before he
did so. Leaders, though, have sometimes tried to take advantage
of the effects rally-round the flag can have. Rally-round the
flag seems to have the effect of boosting a leaders popularity.
In 1982, Margaret Thatcher of Britain gained much popularity when
she took a tough response to the Argentine seizure of the British
Falklands. But this popularity is usually short lived. President's
Bush popularity went up 19 percentage points during the Gulf War,
but these points quickly vanished a couple of months after the
war. There have been bursts of popularity during the Clinton Administration
(although not that big).Examples include the air strikes against
Iraq and when the U.S. was responsible for a peaceful turnover
of power in the Haitian government. But, these waned quickly too,
and in the case with Haiti, the popularity boost lasted only one
week. Even so, rally round the flag is used extensively,
especially during election times when a large although short-lived
popularity burst can help. Also, it has been observed that leaders
are more likely to use military force in times when the economy
is in bad shape, when popularity is low. Popularity is important,
even when there are no elections coming up, since a popular leader
is most likely to get a piece of legislation he or she wants passed
than an unpopular one. Yet, there are many constraints with rally
round the flag. The public's perception of the president matters,
whether the view him as a hawk that is inclined to used military
action to settle disputes, or as a dove that is inclined to use
peaceful methods. A president perceived as a dove gains from hawkish
acts, while a president perceived as a hawk gains from dovish
acts. Also, unpopular wars or military actions can backfire. This
was the case in Argentina, when an unpopular Argentinean government
tried to gain popularity by invading the Falklands but was overthrown
when it lost. Which leads us to the question, are wars popular?
The most popular answer would be they are if we win. Yet, there
must be a purpose to the war. For the gulf war, the U.S. fought
because of oil and to prevent Saddam Hussein from taking control
of other parts of the mid-east. The Vietnam War however, was fought
in part because government officials believed that America would
not tolerate the loss of Vietnam to communism. But as the war
dragged on, with more money being spent and more people dying
for a war that seemed to go on forever, American seemed to care
less about the Vietnam "domino". From this, we can
see that public opinion does matter, 'whether as an immediate
determinant of national willingness, or as a constraint on leaders'
search for approval of particular policies and the rhetoric they
use to justify their actions"(p.218). This is shown by polls
which show that whenever there was a shift in public opinion,
the government passed legislation that corresponded with that,
and not the other way around. Pubic opinion has the ability of
creating a "mood", of constraining policy election,
and the public has the power of electing or choosing officials
that believe what they do. Yet, these polls may tell how people
feel, but not how strongly the feel. This is when interest groups
come in. In the late 1940's and early 1950's, the relationship
between the United States and Israel was a major concern to Jewish-Americans.
Because of their large voting power, they were instrumental in
President Truman's decisions that led to good relations with Israel.
But other different kinds of interest groups can concert power
over issues that most people concern very little about. This power
elite, can shape through political ties, though money to campaigns,
and through the use of media, the polices of a nation. The
influence of the media itself can be powerful in shaping foreign
policy, something that Russet and Star fail to mention. Media
sometimes has its own agenda. It is through media that we get
our news, and so determine what issues are important. In that
sense, media can exert great power. They can print a story on
the front page and make it seem very important, while there may
be more stories that are more important. They can distort information,
making certain things seem more important and other less. Many
people do not look very deep into what they are reading, do not
look at all the facts that are there. Too many times, people are
indifferent to important issues when their lives are going well
or the economy is in good shape. They allow interest groups to
make decisions for us, sometimes bad. The answer to the question
of who governs may be simple: whoever wants to govern. This may
remain the same until more people start to become a part of that
25% of the attentive public.