Jasmine Huda
Intro to World Politics 160.005
1/16/98
In "Conceptual Models and the Cuban Missile Crisis," Graham T.
Allison shows that the Rational Policy, Organizational Process, and
Bureaucratic Politics Models differ in their notions about the basic
analyses and organizing factors involved in foreign policy decisions.
Allison's application of these approaches to the Cuban Missile Crisis
illustrate the basic rationale of each model. While the Rational
Model reflects a more realist approach-that governments are the
unitary actors in foreign affairs-the Organizational and Bureaucratic
Politics paradigms respectively propose that organizations and
government "players" heavily account for the events that take place
in world politics. Each model can be viewed on its own terms to
explain the behavior of governments in foreign and military affairs.
However, as Allison states, a more thorough assessment may illustrate
that foreign policy decisions result not from the approaches outlined
in one model, but from a combination of those presented in all three
models. Foreign policy decisions can involve many factors, with
governments as the main actors, supplemented by the participation of
organizations and individual persons. Such an approach relates to the
general notion that other forces can influence the behavior of the
agent of action in international relations.
The Rational Policy Model is based on the realist-like premise
that the nation or government assumes the role as the unitary
decision maker. According to Allison, the government considers the
most pragmatic courses of action that can best fulfill the goals of
national security. Allison relates this approach to the Cuban Missile
Crisis, as he states six possible courses of action the U.S.
government could have taken during the 1962 incident. The government
carried out the sixth one, the blockade, because it provided us with
a number of advantages, which included placing the nation in a firm,
but not too aggressive position in the crisis, and forcing Russia to
take the next course of action. Russett and Starr discuss these and
other features of the Rational Policy Model in Chapter 10, including
the Incremental and Intellectual Processes used to formulate foreign
policy decisions. In making decisions incrementally, rationalist
leaders can make small changes serially and avoid potential risks. At
the same time, however, an incremental policy can also lead to an
unintended, full-scale involvement in an event, as Russett and Starr
claim was the case with Vietnam. Another possible example of an
incremental approach may be the U.S.'s involvement in World War II,
as it slowly moved from an isolationist state, to selling arms
belligerent countries, to finally becoming immersed in the war.
Allison offers a valid point of contention when he states that the
Rational Policy Model alone cannot explain the decision-making
process. Although governments do act as the major actors in foreign
policy, they are not the true "monoliths" as described in the
Rational approach. The second and third models underscore the fact
that individuals and organizations play major roles in foreign policy
processes. Allison presents the Organizational Process Model to show
that decisions stem not from rational decisions, but from the outputs
of organizational processes. Organizations act according to strict,
pre-established routines that produce the desired output. The third
model, the Bureaucratic Politics Model, proposes that the central
leaders are politically positioned above organizations and assume the
roles of "players" in an intense political "game." The Bureaucratic
model possess some similarity to the Organizational approach in that
it highlights that government behavior results from some sort of
output. The output for this model, however, deals with bargaining
games. Allison describes bargaining games as an operation in which
leaders compete to enact decisions, or output. The status of these
"players", whether it be a "Chief" (a category which includes, but is
not limited to, the President, Secretaries of State, Defense, and
Treasury, and the Director of the CIA), the staff of the "Chiefs," or
"Indians" (another category which includes political appointees and
government officials, members of the press, interest group spokesmen,
and others), enable and constrain the abilities of the players in the
bureaucratic game of decision making.
Further analysis shows that although these models differ in some
fundamental ways, they can still be conceptually viewed together when
examining certain foreign policy decisions. Going back to the World
War II example: Toward the end of its isolationist phase, America
replaced its neutrality acts and began to engage in military arms
policies with other countries. The Lend-Lease Policy empowered FDR to
sell or lease war equipment to countries whose defense he considered
important to the safety of the United States. In this scenario,
America's security and economic interests relate the Rational
Policy's goal of preserving national welfare. Organizations also
played important roles in WWII. Wartime government agencies, such as
the War Labor Board and the Office of War Information, were
established to help the nation function through the war. Finally, the
position of president allowed FDR to act as a "Chief" in the model of
Bureaucratic Politics. Allison states that "foreign policy Chiefs
deal most often with the hottest issue de jour, though they can get
the attention of the President and other members of the government
for other issues which they judge important." (711)
The involvement of all three models can thus appear in certain
foreign policies. The degree to which each model becomes involved
will differ, however. While a rationalist policy may seem simplistic
by itself in explaining foreign policy decisions, its fundamental
nature proves to be effective in examining a government's involvement
in foreign affairs. The other two models can provide additional
reasoning about other factors that may influence international
events.